Indonesian National Armed Forces
| TNI AD (Army)
TNI AL (Navy)
TNI AU (Air Force)
|The Indonesian National Armed Forces (Indonesian: Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI; formerly Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia, ABRI) in 2012 comprises approximately 476,000 personnel including the Army (TNI-AD), Navy (TNI-AL) including the Indonesian Marine Corps (Korps Marinir) and the Air Force (TNI-AU).|
The Indonesian Army was formed during the Indonesian National Revolution, when it undertook a guerrilla war along with informal militia. As a result of this, and the need to maintain internal security, the Army has been organized along territorial lines, aimed at defeating internal enemies of the state and potential external invaders.
Under the 1945 Constitution, all citizens are legally entitled and obliged to defend the nation. Conscription is provided for by law, yet the Forces have been able to maintain mandated strength levels without resorting to a draft. Most enlisted personnel are recruited in their own home regions and generally train and serve most of their time in units nearby.
The Indonesian armed forces are voluntary. The available manpower fit for military service of males aged between 16 to 49 is 52,000,000, with a further 2,000,000 new suitable for service annually
Military spending in the national budget was widely estimated 3% of GDP in 2005, but is supplemented by revenue from many military-run businesses and foundations. The Indonesian Defence force personnel does not include members of law enforcement and paramilitary personnel such as POLRI (Indonesian police) consisting of approximately 590,000 personnel, BRIMOB (police mobile brigade) of around 42,000 armed personnel, the Civil Service Police Unit, MENWA (collegiate military service) 26,000 trained personnel, and HANSIP (civil defense forces), number unknown
Indonesian nationalism and militanism start to gain its momentum and support in World War II during Japanese occupation of Indonesia. To gain support from Indonesian people in their war against Western Allied force, Japan started to encourage and back Indonesian nationalistic movements by providing Indonesian youth with military trainings and weapons. On 3 October 1943, the Japanese military formed the Indonesian volunteer army called PETA (Pembela Tanah Air – Defenders of the Homeland). The Japanese intended PETA to assist their forces oppose a possible invasion by the Allies. The Japanese military trainings for Indonesian youth originally was meant to rally the local's support for the collapsing power of Japanese Empire, but later it has become the significant resource for Republic of Indonesia during Indonesian National Revolution in 1945 to 1949, and also has leads to the formation of Indonesian national armed force in 1945.
Indonesian National Revolution, in which the 1945 Battle of Surabaya was especially important.
At first, The Indonesian Army started out as BKR (Badan Keamanan Rakjat – People's Security Corps), which was formed in the 3rd PPKI meeting, 29 August 1945; this was an Organisation of People taking up arms in a united force to ensure security remained intact across the newly declared independent Indonesia, it was created more as a civil defense force than an army. The decision to create a "security corps and not an army, was taken to lessen the probability of the allied forces viewing it as an armed revolution and invading in full force. At surrender the Japanese had promised to return the Asian domains they had conquered to the allies, certainly not to liberate them independently.
When confrontations became sharp and hostile between Indonesia and the Allied forces, in December 1945 TKR (Tentara Keamanan Rakjat – People's Security Army) was formed; this was a move taken to formalize, unite, and organize the splintered pockets of independent troopers ('laskar') across Indonesia, ensuing a more professional military approach, to contend with the Netherlands and the Allied force invaders.
In 1947, TRI (Tentara Rakjat Indonesia – Indonesian People Army) was formed, in a further step to professionalize the army and increase its ability to engage systematically. 'Tentara Rakjat' stood for the "People's Army" meaning it was open to all levels of the community, whilst also thereby legalizing conscription drafts when necessary.(Mobilisasi Rakjat – People's Mobilization).
In 1949 then, TRI changed its name to TNI (Tentara Nasional Indonesia The Indonesian National Army). This has name has remained unchanged since.
Independent IndonesiaWest Java, Aceh, and South Sulawesi against Darul Islam/Tentara Islam Indonesia (DI/TII), a militant movement aimed to establish an Islamic state in Indonesia. Followed by the rebellion of Republic of South Maluku. The PRRI/Permesta rebellion is essential in Indonesian military history, because it was led by army officers in Sumatra and Sulawesi between 1955 and 1961.
From 1961 to 1963, the TNI involved in the military campaign to incorporate Western New Guinea into Indonesia, the military campaign was directed against Netherlands New Guinea. From 1962 to 1965 TNI fought in the Indonesia-Malaysia Confrontation. The Indonesian killings of 1965–1966 directly involved them, the armed forces under Lt. General Suharto was fighting against the Indonesian communist with the help of the Western Bloc forces.
Indonesia developed a good relationship with the Soviet Union in the 1961-65 period. The Soviet Union gave 17 ships to Indonesian Navy, the largest of which was a Sverdlov class cruiser. The size was 16,640 tons, very big compare to Indonesian current Sigma class corvette with only 1,600 tons. Indonesia procured 12 Whiskey class submarines plus 2 supporting ships. Indonesia had more than a hundred military aircraft, 20 supersonic MiG-21s, 10 supersonic Mig-19, 49 Mig-17 and 30 MiG-15. The Soviets also supplied Indonesia with 26 Tupolev Tu-16 strategic bombers, though it is not clear what the servicability rate was.
Under the New OrderDuring the New Order era Indonesian military enjoys certain privilege and play significant role in Indonesian politics. The military involvement in Indonesian politics was formulated in Dwifungsi (Dual function) doctrine of Indonesian Armed Force.
Also during the New Order regime the "Tentara Nasional Indonesia" (Indonesian National Army/TNI) changed its name to "Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia" (Republic of Indonesia Armed Forces/ABRI) which also incorporated POLRI (Indonesian National Police).
In 1975 the Indonesian invasion of East Timor took place and a year afterward the Insurgency in Aceh began, which occurred on and off from 1976 to 2005. From 70s to 90s the Indonesian military worked hard to suppress and tackle down the armed insurgency and separatist movements in troubled provinces of Aceh and East Timor. In 1992 the Santa Cruz Massacre took place in East Timor, which tarnished the image of Indonesian military internationally. This incident led the United States to sever its IMET funding and link to Indonesian military, also banned arm equipments sales to Indonesia.
Also in 1992 each service began to form small female units. These all-female Corps are the Women's Army Corps, the Navy Women's Corps, the Air Force Women's Corps, and the Women's Corps of the Police. These were intended to "set to work at places and in functions conform[ing] to their feminine disposition." More specifically, women were assigned to administrative work, teaching English and working to improve health and social conditions of armed forces members and their families. The women police were said to "play an important role in solving problems [of] drug addicts and juvenile delinquents."
After the Cold War ended the Indonesian Armed Forces began to take part in United Nations peacekeeping missions. These were usually known as 'Garuda' deployments. The first was to the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia, quickly followed by a deployment as part of the United Nations Protection Force in Bosnia Herzegovina. Indonesian troops deployed to both the United Nations Operation in Somalia I and the United Nations Operation in Somalia II.
Reformationfall of Suharto in 1998, the democratic and civil movement grew against the acute military role and involvements in Indonesian politics. As the result, the post-Suharto Indonesian military has undergone certain reformations, such as the disbanding of Dwifungsi doctrine and the terminations of military controlled business. The reformation also involved the law enforcement in common civil society, which questioned the position of Indonesian police under the military corps umbrella. This reformations led to the separation of the police force from the military. In 2000, the Indonesian National Police officially regained its independence and now is a separate entity from the military. The official name of the Indonesian military also changed from "Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia" (ABRI) back to "Tentara Nasional Indonesia" (TNI).
Indonesian military continue its involvement and contribution in United Nations peacekeeping missions. After 1999, Indonesian troops went to Africa as part of the United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The TNI has also served with the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon.
Following the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake, the United States government suspended a spare parts embargo which had been in place for non-lethal equipment and military vehicles, to support the humanitarian effort in the tsunami-devastated regions of Aceh and Nias. Since then, the Indonesian Air Force has signed deals to purchase more C-130 transport aircraft and upgrade the current C-130s in the inventory. On 22 November 2005, the US announced that military ties with Indonesia would be restored in full. The decision had ended the six-year US ban on arms sales.
In 2009, all former Indonesian military businesses are to be surrendered to a specialist body. The Indonesian Military Business Management Body (BPBTNI) was established in effect of a stipulation in Law No.34/2004 on the Indonesian Military (TNI) which will takeover ownership and operation of all businesses owned or run by the TNI by 2009. Unlike the former National Banking Restructuring Agency (BPPN) which burdened the Indonesian state with losses, the BPBTNI would bear all losses alone.
After disengagement from political and business activities, in 2012 ahead TNI has refrained from procuring major weapons systems with fund of Rp150 trillion ($16.41 billion) to spend over 5 years to procure major weapons systems, Rp50 trillion $5.47 billion) will be used to accelerate achieving the Minimum Essential Force, Rp55 trillion ($6.02 billion) for procurement and Rp45 trillion ($4.92 billion) for maintenance and repair.
Political role of the militaryDuring the Suharto era, the military had a "dual function" (dwifungsi in Indonesian) defined as: firstly preservation and enforcement of internal and external security and sovereignty of the State and secondly, as an overseer and arbiter of government policy. This was used to justify substantial military interference in politics. Long-time president Suharto was an army general and was strongly supported by most of the military establishment. Traditionally a significant number of cabinet members had military backgrounds, while active duty and retired military personnel occupied a large number of seats in the legislature. Commanders of the various territorial commands played influential roles in the affairs of their respective regions.
Indonesia has not had a substantial conflict with its neighbours since the 1963–1965 Indonesia-Malaysia Confrontation, known in Indonesia as Konfrontasi with Malaysia. Possible future disputes relating to competing Malaysian-Indonesian South China Sea claims, where Indonesia has large natural gas reserves, concern the Indonesian government. As of 2007, some regional claims with neighbouring Malaysia have led to some minor sabre-rattling by both sides with a stalemate over the sovereignty of Unarang rock and the maritime boundary in the Ambalat oil block in the Celebes Sea.
In the post-Suharto period since 1998, civilian and military leaders have advocated removing the military from politics (for example, the military's representation in the House of Representatives was reduced and finally ended), but the military's political influence remains extensive.
Philosophy and DoctrineThe Indonesian military philosophy over-riding defense of the archipelago is summarily civilian-military defense, called "Total People's Defense"- consisting of a three-stage war: a short initial period in which invader would defeat a conventional Indonesian military, a long period of territorial guerrilla war followed by a final stage of expulsion- with military acting as a rallying point for defence from grass-roots village level upwards. The doctrine relies on a close bond between villager and soldier to encourage the support of the entire population and enable the military to manage all war-related resources.
The civilian population would provide logistical support, intelligence, and upkeep with some trained to join the guerrilla struggle. The armed forces regularly engage in large-scale community and rural development. The "Armed Forces Enters the Village" (AMD) program, begun in 1983 is held three times annually to organise and assist construction and development of civilian village projects.
OrganizationThe Indonesian armed forces have long been organized around territorial commands. Following independence, seven were established by 1958. No central reserve formation was formed until 1961 (when the 1st Army Corps of the Army General Reserve, CADUAD, the precursor of today's Kostrad was established). It was only after the attempted coup d'état of 1 October 1965 and General Suharto's rise to the presidency that it became possible to integrate the armed forces and begin to develop a joint operations structure.
 HANKAM was made responsible for planning, acquisition, and management tasks but had no command or control of troop units. The ABRI commander in chief retained command and control of all armed forces and continued by tradition to be the senior military officer in the country. Since the separation of the ministry from the armed forces headquarters in 1985, the HANKAM staff has been composed largely of retired military personnel. The split provided positions of responsibility for highly qualified but relatively young retired officers of the Generation of 1945 while also opening up high level billets in ABRI to younger active-duty officers who had been frustrated by slow rates of promotion.
The administrative structure of HANKAM consisted of a minister, secretary general, inspector general, three directorates-general and a number of functional centers and institutes. The minister, inspector general, and three directors general were retired senior military officers; the secretary general (who acted as deputy minister) and most functional center chiefs were active-duty military officers.
The 1985 reorganization also made significant changes in the armed forces chain of command. The four multiservice Regional Defense Commands (Kowilhans) and the National Strategic Command (Kostranas) were eliminated from the defense structure, establishing the Military Regional Command (Kodam), or area command, as the key organization for strategic, tactical, and territorial operations for all services. The chain of command flowed directly from the ABRI commander in chief to the ten Kodam commanders, and then to subordinate army territorial commands. The former territorial commands of the air force and navy were eliminated from the structure altogether, with each of those services represented on the Kodam staff by a senior liaison officer. The navy and air force territorial commands were replaced by operational commands. The air force formed two Operations Commands (Ko-Ops) while the navy had its Eastern Fleet and Western Fleet—Armadas. The air force's National Air Defense Command (Kohanudna) remained under the ABRI commander in chief. It had an essentially defensive function that included responsibility for the early warning system.
The officer corps of the armed forces was estimated at 53,000 in 1992. Less than 1 percent of these were of general officer rank. The Armed Forces Academy of the Republic of Indonesia (Akademi TNI), the national military academy at Magelang, Jawa Tengah Province trains most military officer corps. Mandatory retirement exists for officers at age fifty-eight and routine periodic reassignments are enforced.
BranchesIndonesian Army was first formed in 1945 following the end of World War II and to protect the newly proclamated country, it initially consisted of local militia and grew to become the regular army of today.
In 1946, Indonesia became the second country (after Thailand/Siam) in South East Asia to acquire an Air Force capability, with the formation of the Indonesian Air Force. Presently, the Indonesian Air Force has 34,930 personnel equipped with 510 aircraft including Su-27 and Su-30 fighters.
The Indonesian Navy was first formed on 22 August 1945, it became the second country (after Thailand/Siam) in South East Asia to acquire a naval capability. Current strength of the Indonesian Navy is around 74,000. In contrast to many other nations and military traditions, the Navy uses Infantry style ranks.
All Indonesian Navy aircraft are operated by the Indonesian Naval Aviation Service (Dinas Penerbangan TNI-AL). The Indonesian Navy has also purchased 8 Mi-2 (now based in Surabaya), but only two have arrived because of problems with the Indonesian Navy's bureaucracy. The Navy operates 52 fixed wing aircraft and 23 combat and transport helicopters.
The Indonesian Navy also includes the Indonesian Marine Corps (Korps Marinir, or KorMar). It was created on 15 November 1945 and has the duties of being the main amphibious warfare force and quick reaction force of defence against enemy invasion.
While not strictly part of the armed forces, the Indonesian National Police often operate in a paramilitary role, independently or in cooperation with the other services on internal security missions. Indonesian Police use the name of POLRI (Kepolisian Republik Indonesia).
BudgetBeeson and Bellamy wrote in 2002 that: '..By some estimates 60-65 per cent of the military's actual operating expenses come from 'off-budget sources' rather than the government (Cochrane 2002). This is a euphenism for a host of legal and illegal practices that include legitimate involvement in state-owned and private businesses, as well as a range of activities in the 'black economy.' An estimated 30% of government funding of the military 'is lost through corruption in the process of buying military equipment and supplies.'(International Crisis Group 2001: 13)'